Where will the Women Vote in the Next Elections

A Conversation with my 12-year-old daughter regarding the possibility of Jacob Zuma becoming our next president has triggered a series of uneasy questions. Her concern and indeed quite vehement opposition to his election is that Zuma has not treated women very well. The evidence she presented was his rape trial, specifically the way Zuma’s supporters vilified the young woman concerned. This future voter was clearly not impressed. It got me thinking, not as a gender activist, but as a female voter. I want to vote. Yet, looking ahead to the forthcoming elections and the options available, I ask myself what the contesting parties have to offer me. As part of their campaign to attract votes, parties create manifestos outlining strategies to address the needs of all South Africans. This includes addressing inequality.

The entrenched inequality between women and men in South Africa is a leading cause of very high levels of gender violence, increasing poverty among women and a lack of access to resources and services. As such, gender equality is central to addressing the needs of the country as a whole and bears some scrutiny as we head to the polls.  

This is not to say that there is a single, straightforward answer to bringing about gender equality. Thenjiwe Mtintso, South Africa’s ambassador to Cuba and a board member of non-government organisation Gender Links, recently highlighted in a discussion on the elections how very different women’s needs are. Mtintso pointed out that some women are fighting to get out of the kitchen (and into the boardroom, and office) , but others are still fighting for kitchens (along with water, education, housing and other necessities).

So, the question becomes even more complex: how will the contesting parties help women get out of the kitchen, or get their kitchens, depending on their needs?

A starting point is to look at gender within the election itself.
In August last year, Southern African Development Community leaders signed the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development, which, among other provisions, commits SADC states to 50percent representation of women at all levels of decision making by 2015. Given the very small increases made in that area (3percent between the past three elections), political parties must make substantial gains in the forthcoming election to meet this goal. Recognising the need to institute a revised quota as key to achieving gender parity in decision-making, the African National Congress raised its quota from 30percent to 50percent in the upcoming polls. This should result in some shifts.

However, none of the other parties have quotas and voluntary quotas mean that if the support of that party declines, the representation of women also drops.

There have been two important developments since the election in 2004. First, Helen Zille took over as leader of the Democratic Alliance, the main opposition party. It will be interesting to see if Zille pushes the gender agenda. The other major development is the launch of the Congress of the People.

Cope’s female representation in its national executive committee is 50percent. The challenge for all parties contesting the elections is to ensure that a substantial number of women appear high up on their list. In addition, the parties should demonstrate a clear strategy to ensure meeting the 2015 goal of 50/50 representation at all levels of decision-making and representation in government.

The other issue on my agenda is leadership on gender issues. Will the next administration have the commitment and will to make the necessary legislative and functional changes required for gender equality in the country?

The current, and in all likelihood the next, ruling party has showed clear commitment to women’s representation by adopting the 50/50 principle. Yet, contradictions are apparent within the party. The first cause for concern is that the next president will most likely be Zuma. Is he committed to gender issues?

He has shown questionable judgement in his treatment of women, having sex with a young woman living with HIV, without protection, and taking a shower afterwards as an HIV-prevention strategy. Zuma’s strategy for the appointment and advancement of women in Parliament is unclear. There is fear that the country might lose ground in its quest towards the achievement of gender parity.

Another matter of concern is Zuma’s polygamous lifestyle, a practice that severely disadvantages women. What type of role model is he?

And what strategies will he use to address the very high levels of gender violence? Will it be a priority? Indeed, will gender inequality be recognised and addressed in all spheres of government? Other parties raise questions as well. Will Zille push the gender agenda? Historically, the DA has not attached much importance to issues of gender, playing out patriarchy in its approach. It’s stance on gender and related issues is confusing. The DA opposes ANC policies and strategies without providing viable alternatives.

The new kid on the block, Cope, intends to provide a viable alternative to the ANC. On the gender-metre, Cope began well with 50 percent female representation in its national executive committee.

I am waiting with great interest to see how the party will articulate its plans for gender equality. Will Cope simply be in opposition to the ANC or will it provide viable alternatives? Will it articulate a clear commitment to gender equality and present strategies for female advancement?

There are many more questions than answers. Will this citizen vote? That, too, remains a question. I want to do the responsible thing as a citizen and exercise my right to vote. However, if none of the parties responds to my needs as a woman who still lives in a society in which women and men are not equal, I am faced with a serious dilemma.
This article was first published in the http://www.saelections.co.za/ website.

Kubi Rama is the deputy director of Gender Links. This article is part of the GL opinion and commentary service which offers comment on everyday news.